It’s been a while since I posted – I’ve been super busy teaching, for the first time, my own course. For four intense weeks, I was the instructor in POLI 331, the Politics of East Central Europe. That’s the official title under which McGill has the course on record – I think they should change it to ‘East AND Central Europe’. As it is, the course always appears to me to suggest that it deals with the Eastern part of Central Europe. That would have been fun, but it’s not what we did. We cast our net a little more broadly, and had fun doing that too. For anyone interested in what the course looked like and how I put it together, check out the syllabus here. Of course, although I did write that syllabus, it was not the first time the course was offered and I was happily able to rely on previous iterations.
Teaching my own course for the first time was a blast, I had a lot of fun thanks to a great group of students. It was a lot of work and I’m glad I’ve been able to change gears a little bit, but I definitely hope I’ll be able to do it again.
These days are great for studying post-communist politics, and because it’s a quarter century since the annus mirabilis of 1989, lots of people are taking the opportunity to commemorate key events from that year. It seems like every other week there’s a new 25 year anniversary of something super important. If you read Czech, you can check out facebook page ‘znovu 89‘ (89 again), which posts day-by-day media coverage from 1989. It’s political news and things that foreshadow later events in 1989, but also things like Steffi Graf beating Martina Navrátilová (who was already a US citizen at that point) in the Wimbledon final.
As another example of the quarter century rush, earlier in June, it was 25 years ago that both Tienanmen square and the first more-or-less-free elections in Poland took place. Timothy Garton Ash wrote a short article about it, which you can find here (register for free). It’s a nice juxtaposition, but I disagree with TGA’s conclusion: ‘I pray that China will find its own peaceful way forward, building on its great achievements and repairing the equally obvious failings. But one thing I know: we will only be able to say with confidence that China has developed a stable system, along a quite different trajectory from post-communist Europe, when it can publicly face up to its difficult past’. There is no evidence that ‘publicly facing up to [a] difficult past’ is necessary for stability. Indeed, I think this is an example of a moralistic fallacy – just because you don’t like the Chinese past does not mean anyone needs to face up to it.